第802章 反思(2 / 2)

  国家一旦进入正轨,行政权力会按照它的惯性前进的,这个很难改变,除非你有绝对的影响力…仅仅一个空架子的省长职务,是做不出什么事情来的,这让他们很难做。

  而一个没有权力的官员,即使是正职,也并不会产生多大影响。所以很多地方的人民党系常委的副省长实际上越权庖代了这些省长的权力是自然而然的事,为此已经引起许多人的不快了。

  所以按照汪精卫等人的打算,是要在行政干部的任免上充分“皿煮”,而不是由人民党包打天下。老实说,按照人民党现有的政|府组织架构,党外人员是很难有机会进入政|府高层的。

  现在提出这个《行政组织法》,就是想改变各级行政正、副首长的提名由人民党各级常委会提出的作法,改以各党提出竞争对手参加竞选的方式。

  可是张汉卿的一句话堵死了他们的企图:中华民国如何体现人民党|领导的作用?中国现阶段也没有实行差额选举的基础!

  在攸关生死的问题上,各个党派难得地又想联合起来。人们总是对即将到手的权力充满憧憬,若不能从根源上消灭这一可能,总有一天它还会发芽生根的。

  张汉卿不能容忍他的皿煮理想被用来作为对付人民党的工具,虽然这些所谓皿煮真的能约束到人民党的一言堂,但是也导致了政|府倍受掣肘的毛病。

  要皿煮还是要效率?看来是他操之过急了,中国目前的经济与政治状况表明,它不适合西方那种虚伪的皿煮制度:人家有联邦或者邦联几百年的背景,中国一直是一个大一统的社会文化,硬往里凑怎么行?

  只是皿煮之风已经被自己吹起,要是生生把它掐灭又于心不忍。把各党派一扫而净简单,但是谁还能够约束这个党或者哪怕提一些意见呢?这是个问题。

  现在还不是玩皿煮的时候:国家仍处在威胁之中,国民仍处在贫困之境,解决它的唯一办法是一个强有力的政|府,需要群策群力劲往一处使。张汉卿的设计里,国会应该负责人民政|府的纠偏,但是现实变成了国会硬要和人民政|府往回拉,这是他不能容忍的。

  人民党作为一个政治群体,引导着中国立法、司法、行政的三权分立。是自己,因为对后世的一些作法矫枉过正,反而丧失了一个最重大的原则“人民党|领导国家”的立场,这是不对的。联想到若非事先因为“不皿煮”或是私心而留下的一些暗门,人民党有政权倾覆的危险。

  当然有军队在不至于翻盘,但它会生生拖慢中国皿煮的进程!而幸亏它提前发生了,不然等到国家组织僵硬了再去改变或者修补,会大伤中国的元气的----历史上苏联不就是这样訇然倒蹋的?

  是谁说治大国如烹小鲜的?哥要打肿他的嘴!

  也许,需要一个机会,把现行的制度再修订一下,从法律上、组织上保证人民党的执政地位。再好的制度也会因为人的因素而走样,那么又何必计较于非要用党外人来进行政|府的监督呢?设计一个党内自我约束的机制不更好么?

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